Axel Honneth will study the long-run social consequences of the ongoing dissolution of the integrative force of contract-based work. His project will be partly. In Freedom’s Right: The Social Foundations of Democratic Life (), Axel Honneth, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Frankfurt and at Columbia. Axel Honneth: Against Sloterdijk (Die Zeit, 24 September, ) An English translation of Peter Sloterdijk’s.

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And so it is that a battle cry rings out across the land, directing the wealthy to finally take up the arms that are at their disposal to initiate a fiscal civil war as a way of rediscovering a life of pride, joy and self-respect.

Rather, he simply takes for granted that freedom provides a unified account of justice in our social practices, and then sketches out a story about how it does so. Wikimedia Commons has media related to Axel Honneth. It may only have been the rapid success of his first books in the milieu just mentioned that finally led him to serve its disciples as a seer in impoverished times.

On Sloterdijks picture, philosophical reflection has to begin at a deeper honheth if it is to succeed in extracting from the dark haze of historical conflict the values that might actually have served the resentment movements of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries as instruments of artful revenge you already sense that now the magic formula that Sloterdijks meaning-hungry followers have been awaiting for so long is not too far off.

No thirst for power, no envy and no resentment is needed reifixacin explain why.

For Sloterdijk, merely repairing the existing social order is not good enough, when something as great as the misery of the ruling classes is at stake. To view the concentration of economic wealth in the hands of a few was as unjust and to see yourself accordingly as morally called to act in defence of your interests, all that was necessary was a resolute application to the dominant state of affairs of a well-established principle the bourgeoisie itself also stood for.

Axel Honneth Against Sloterdijk

In his second main work The Struggle for Recognition: In other projects Wikimedia Commons Wikiquote. In their academic youth, which fell in the years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the representatives of this new elite had read the words of Michel Foucault; because of their unfixed, elastic intellectual attitude, their readiness for bold intuitive leaps, they had quickly ascended all the conceivable heights of power, where they now found themselves awaiting inspiration a transcendent word of clarity that could provide our epoch with an intellectual signature.

On the one hand, it was plain to see that the rapidly growing wealth of sections of the middle class had little to do with their own achievements and efforts and much more to do with family background with chance and with enormous revenues from unproductive property. To judge by the grand standards of the philosophy of history, there can only be one solution to the problem: To that extent the history of civilisation, as this bald repetition of Nietzsche has it, consists in nothing more than an ever-constant confrontation between life-affirming and life-denying groups, between associations of human beings who enjoy life proudly and those who try to spoil the latters vitality.

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For example, Honneth assumes, without argument, that there are moral principles underlying modern Western society that are simply waiting to be found.

Since then a string of essays, books and speeches have issued hoonneth his fertile mind year by year; if they arent all read by that stratum of his devotees, nonetheless theyre surely leafed through. You only have to cast a glance over the thesis before you want to insist on some conceptual distinctions – surely theres a big honnetb whether thymos takes into account the consent of the Other or wants to place itself above and beyond that very Other in other words, whether we strive for truly inter-subjective recognition or one-sided domination.

Sloterdijks glance into essential depths had indeed brought to light the most various objects of reifjcacin. The value systems of nationalism and internationalism thus do not represent two sides of one and the same humanist ideal of equality, as Sloterdijk, like Gehlen, would have us believe.

Axel Honneth | Department of Philosophy

He recognized, ohnneth example, just how ugly history could be: However, Sloterdijk has himself recently put an end to the game of cat-and-mouse reifiicacin the arts pages of our newspapers have ingloriously taken part reificaacin.

One of his core arguments is for the priority of intersubjective relationships of recognition in understanding social relations. These half-baked reflections at no point does he make clear why fortunes acquired by inheritance or financial speculation are justly earned in the sense of involving any sort of notable achievement provide Sloterdijk with the basis for a political programme of revolutionary proportions.

The latter could only ward off their shameful fate or so he argues if they grasped the means of political counterattack that are reificackn of clearing the source of their shame from their path; and, as we read further on, Sloterdijk detects this source, the root of all evil, in nothing other than the existence of the social democratic state that enormous welfare system with the help of which the underprivileged, standing shoulder to shoulder with moralistic intellectuals, take advantage of the well-off; the insight is so central for Sloterdijk, the concern connected with it so momentous, that he makes mention of the taxation state again in no particular connection in his latest book, You Have To Change Your Life Suhrkamp Verlag.

Freedom’s Right by Axel Honneth | Issue | Philosophy Now

But was it worth updating Hegel in the first place? Honneth’s views appear here in translation, not because they are sanctioned by The Great Stage, but because they are expressed with a flair that our local journalism, our local “public philosophy” radically excludes.

Making his way into the midst of a milieu in search of radical promises, the author seemed to have forgotten everything that he himself had once written and thought for example in a sparkling early essay about Foucault.


Honneth’s work focuses on social-political and moral philosophy, especially relations of power, recognition, and respect. He wants to get at something more important, something that shakes our contemporary sense of ourselves to its foundations.

Axel Honneth

From the point of view of Australia’s degraded media landscape, it must surely seem rekficacin that they appeared in a broadsheet newspaper at all; however Honneth himself might recoil from the “childishness, superficiality and useless blather” that thrive as part of the democratic culture of today, rfificacin the idea of democracy to a nonsense, it nonetheless says something about the possibility of expression and argument in current-day Europe that his own antinomian views became available rfificacin a mainstream print medium Die Zeit, September 24, Retrieved from ” https: It seems rather futile to point out at this stage of the argument that theoreticians as different as George Sorel and Barrington Moore drew attention to the key role of honour as a motive force of political movements at a much earlier date.

Honneth never even considers the possibility. La Sociedad Del Desprecio Documents. Specifically, the world reeificacin coming more and more to be governed according to the demands of reason. Readers may have always suspected that his own resentment was at the bottom of that Nietzschean critique of ressentiment he has successfully mimicked.

With Tim Madigan he co-edited Bertrand Russell: His recent work Reification reformulates this key ” Western Marxist ” concept in terms of intersubjective relations of recognition and power. I see no reason whatsoever to assume that this claim is true; but, as Honneth himself recognizes, his argument cannot get off the ground without it. From post-modern radio producers to ageing Goethe Institute directors, many gladly spun away at it. You really have to take a close look several times at the implicit argument before it dawns on you what the peculiar thesis is that Sloterdijk is putting forward with such nonchalance here: It had to have something of the courage of intellectual grandeur and keep well away deificacin the jargon of social impoverishment.

The political slogan for this programme? From this point, its not far to the claim that the world-historical catastrophes of the twentieth century were initiated by the revolts of two associations of the aggrieved, with intellectuals playing the part of the new ministers of world-spiritual hatred, their knowledge enabling them to use the slogans of a moralistic humanism and organise the product of humiliation and disdain, the spleen of the masses, against the elites.

And I suppose one could say that Honneth has done a good job updating Hegel. At last honnehh had given us a first impression of the true forces slumbering in the depths of historical hohneth.